... clothes for any situation imaginable, from summer sportswear to winter pajamas. ..... Indeed people, according to He
No. 1, April 2013
Eurasian Dialogue is delighted to introduce the first volume of Perspectives on
Central Asia , a quarterly multidisciplinary bulletin on Central Asia. This bulletin will become a platform for the exchange of ideas and knowledge between a diverse range of actors in Central Asia and Europe. Our objectives in publishing this bulletin are threefold. Firstly,
Perspectives on Central Asia’s aim to give a voice to Central
the multidisciplinarity of the contributions to the bulletin reflects
Asian’s themselves and allow them to explain the nuances of
Eurasian Dialogue’s interests in facilitating interconnectivity
their culture to an external audience.
between academics and policy makers from a diverse range of subject backgrounds and geographical areas. Secondly, the bulletin will offer academics from Central Asia, Europe and beyond, particularly those in the early stages of their careers, the opportunity to showcase their research and provoke discussion. Thirdly, through the accounts of local people, many of whom are not academics, Perspectives on Central Asia strives to give a voice to the Central Asian people, who are often given relatively few opportunities to communicate with external audiences.
The article written by a western academic, who has chosen to remain anonymous, on Timurid architecture, offers yet another perspective on Central Asia. In describing the process by which Timur was taken-up by the Soviet regime, subsequently maligned and finally re-conceptualised as a founding father of the Uzbek state in independent Uzbekistan, the author highlights the often politicised nature of historiography in Central Asia and its links with nation building. By using the inscriptions dating from the 16 century Shaybanid dynasty, on th
The contributions to this first volume, in many ways reflect the
14 Timurid buildings in Bukhara and Samarkand, it is argued
philosophy of Eurasian Dialogue’s approach to Central Asia in
that the government is Uzbekifying Timurid architecture.
general and the objectives of Perspectives on Central Asia, as outlined above, in particular. Christian Bleuer’s article on the role of academics in policy making in Central Asia addresses issues that are central to Eurasian Dialogue’s mission. Whilst Bleuer sees the potential within academic accounts to change policy, he is also cognizant of academia’s limitations. These include the delays in publishing material, subscription pay-walls and problems with predicting events in an unpredictable world. Bleuer’s call for academics to make a greater effort in reaching out to the public and policy makers is a central aim of Eurasian Dialogue’s work.
th
Finally, Shakyla Hussain’s article on an artistic exchange between Kyrgyz and Swiss artists addresses Eurasian Dialogue’s interest in the exchange of cultures, experiences and knowledge. Table of contents P. 2 “Responding to Crises in Central Asia: Can Academic Literature Inform the Response of Outsiders?” by Christian Bleuer P.4 ”Description of a Traditional Uzbek Wedding in Arslanbob, Kyrgyzstan” by Nadine Boller, Hayat Tarikov, Roma Tohtarov, Sardor Ergashev, Lachin Sadiev, Babur Mamarasulov, and Almaz Mamarizaev
Nadine Boller’s article about Uzbek wedding rituals is rather different from Bleuer’s more macro-level contribution. Instead
P. 7. “Uzbekifying Timurid: Architectural Heritage on the Way to Independence” anonymous
the focus is on the experience of a marriage, a central aspect of life across the region. This anthropological account reflects
P. 11. “The FOCUS Association and the TET A TET Project” by Shakyla Hussain
Responding to Crises in Central Asia: Can Academic Literature Inform the Response of Outsiders? by Christian Bleuer Academics could play a crucial role in policy making in Central Asia, but at present this is not the case. Tajikistan-based academic Christian Tajik soldiers at a base near Dushanbe
Credit: Eurasian Dialogue
Bleuer examines why.
Outside actors draw on various sources to inform their policies when responding to crises and on-going problems in Central Asia. These actors, in the form of interested states (e.g., Russia and the United States), international organisations (UN, OSCE, etc.), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and security alliances (e.g., the Collective Security Treaty Organisation), all have their own systems of collecting information. This includes spying, accessing open source information (e.g., newspapers), consulting local embassy staff or local government representatives, drawing on the experience of regionallybased NGO and international organisation employees, paying for access to expertise from political risk consulting firms, etc… But should academic literature on Central Asia be included on this list? Analysts in the intelligence community and, to a lesser extent, within political risk consulting do read the academic literature on Central Asia. However, this is just one source they use within a flood of information that they must analyse. And, furthermore, the nature of scholarly research means that most of the analysis is not directly relevant to whatever crisis may be occurring at the moment and, to the perspective of some, the analysis seems out of date. Academics, of course, generally do not
“Analysts in the
produce scholarly publications based on breaking news. But their publications do help to form a base of knowledge about local society and politics that an analyst
intelligence community do
can build upon.
read the academic
But even if scholarly publications can assist in this manner, there are additional
literature on Central Asia”
problems. The first obvious barrier is the subscription pay-wall. An internet search may point to academic publications, but most people do not have subscription
access to these journals. As an example, I am currently researching the Afghanistan factor in Central Asia. A Google search today recently pointed me towards a scholarly journal article on the role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in helping Central Asian governments manage the problem of Afghanistan. However, I have recently, due to graduating, lost my university subscription access to a wide range of academic journals. I was about to send a request to a friend still in university to download a copy of the article, but then I checked the footnotes and citations. Despite the article being published in 2013, the most recent references were from sources dated in 2011. Unfortunately, this time lag is typical of many academic journals. Those in the scholarly community must put their work in places where the public can easily access it. It would be ill-advised to put all or even most of one’s publications in open-access (“free for all to download”) publications, as their universities would punish them for doing so (by denying tenure due to lack of publications in highly ranked journals, for example). But there is no excuse for not having at least a few reports or long-format articles available for all to read. Even briefer articles can be quite enlightening, and the outlets for these types of articles are quite numerous (blogs, online magazines, think tank websites, etc.).
Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
2
3
These are the forums where academics and scholars could engage with policy debates and actually be heard by the broader public, as opposed to academic publications, conferences and university forums where academics speak to each other rather than to the public. Moving away from a discussion of the timeliness and accessibility of scholarly journal publications, books published through the academic press are often not available in book
“Occasionally,
stores, and via online book vendors they are usually expensive and do not have a good sales rank.
scholars can be
Furthermore, even if these publications could be accessed, many of them are difficult to understand
on the wrong
as they are produced for consumption by people who understand the academic jargon and dense discussions of theory. Not all publications can be stereotyped in this manner, but the use of inaccessible writing styles is often cited as a barrier between academia and the rest of the world.
side of predictions”
Even if all of the above problems are overcome, there is the problem of the scope of scholarly literature. For many areas and issues within Central Asia there is a paucity of literature. For example, during the Osh conflict of 2010 one could, with some difficulty, access publications on the ethnic conflict that occurred there in 1990 and the problems faced in the intervening years. But, for the recent conflict in eastern Tajikistan in summer 2012 there was comparatively very little available. There are academic articles on eastern Tajikistan, but none of them are directly related to the socio-political factors most relevant to the military conflict. And, occasionally, scholars can be on the wrong side of predictions. Many in the academic community had assumed that there would be turmoil when Turkmenistan’s authoritarian ruler died. However, his death in late 2006 was followed by an orderly transition to another authoritarian ruler. A final problem is one that cannot be overcome. Even if the relevant outside actors had near-perfect knowledge of the social, political and military factors behind any crisis, this does not mean that the crisis at hand can be overcome. Take, for example, the Israel-Palestinian conflict. The amount of scholarly publications on this problem is truly immense, yet the conflict endures. Having a strong knowledge of all the factors involved in a conflict does not translate into the conflicting parties and interested outside actors being able to come to an agreement. Nevertheless, despite all of the pessimistic commentary above, there is still a role for the scholarly literature in informing policymakers. A good reading of the available publications can greatly inform one’s understanding of the region’s politics and the dynamics within local communities. Have a solid base of understanding of Central Asia enables a person (or an organisation) to better understand crises as they emerge or worsen. Take the example of eastern Tajikistan above. If a person had previously familiarised themselves with the last twenty years of Tajikistan’s history they would be well prepared to quickly and accurately analyse the conflict (in comparison to the analysis that was coming out at the time), even if they did not specialise in eastern Tajikistan in particular. Being informed by this sort of analysis could assist helping states, NGOs and organisations in avoiding mistakes if and when they choose to deepen their involvement in Central Asia in response to crisis situations. It is clear from statements by representatives of foreign states and by many journalists that there are massive gaps and shortcomings in understanding what is happening in Central Asia. Despite all the shortcomings with what and how scholarly researchers publish on Central Asia, their work can be used to help prepare an individual or organisation for analysing crises as they occur.
Christian Bleuer just completed his PhD at the Australian National University in Canberra, where he wrote his thesis on the Tajik Civil War. Now based in Dushanbe, he is the lead consultant at the Tajikistan Research Centre (research.tj). Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
3
4
5
Description of a Traditional Uzbek Wedding in Arslanbob, Kyrgyzstan
by Nadine Boller, Hayat Tarikov, Roma Tohtarov, Sardor Ergashev,
Lachin Sadiev, Babur Mamarasulov and Almaz Mamarizaev
Weddings are a central ritual in life across Central Asia. The following article describes a wedding in the ethnically Uzbek, religiously conservative village of Arslanbob, which is nestled in the world’s largest walnut forest in the hills above Jalal-Abad in Kyrgyzstan. The article emerged in 2012 from a meeting between six local representatives of Community Based Uzbek girl prepares for the wedding Credit: Nadine Boller
Nearly all Uzbek marriages are arranged. When a boy reaches the age of 18, his entire family starts to look for a suitable girl for him. The girl’s family has to be from thesame social class as the boy’s. Once a suitable partner has been found, the grandfathers of the couple to-be discuss the matter over a plate of plov (a traditional rice dish), and hopefully come to an agreement concerning the alliance between their families. The families’ elders, however, do not make the decision alone. All the family members – except for the future bride herself – are asked to communicate their opinions regarding the match, the wedding date, and the dowry. The girl is expected to silently accept the fate that has been chosen for her. Once the match has been approved by their family the boy and the girl need to get acquainted with each other. They arrange to meet at night. The girl only informs her mother about the boy’s arrival, as her father would not allow it. At midnight, the boy sets out for the girl’s house with expensive presents (chocolates and perfumes with the value of about ten dollars) to meet her in private behind the house. He first gives her his gifts and then is expected to talk to her in a very polite and respectful manner. If he does not, she will refuse their marriage. The aim of this meeting is to get to know each other on a superficial basis, in order to detect possible problems in advance that might endanger their marriage later on. After the meeting, the boy goes back home and tells his family whether or not the girl is to his liking. The girl does the same, but only talks about it with her mother. If either of them is unhappy with the union, their family will take their opinion into account and accept the fact that they will have to look for a different marriage partner. Such “midnight rendezvous” take place several times before the wedding and each time the boy is obliged to bring presents. Ten days before the wedding, the parents of both sides start preparing for the party. The shopping list includes many meters of colorful material (the more glitter it has, the better) to make clothes for the bride and blankets for the wedding night, 30 kilos of rice, 30 liters of oil, 40 kilos of carrots, and a live male sheep for making 200 portions of plov. In addition enough flour to bake 1000 loaves of bread is purchased. The day before the wedding, the groom, his best friend, the local mullah and the engagement witness – usually an older man who already has a family –set out to the girl’s house after sunset. When they enter the house, the girl is in an adjacent room and Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
4
kept well out of sight. However she is allowed to invite some female friends and relatives to keep her company during the ritual. The door separating the couple is propped open so that the women can hear the men’s conversations. Now the actual engagement begins: the mullah puts a cup of sacred water in front of the boy and recites prayers from the Koran. Then he addresses the girl, who is still listening on the other side of the door, and asks her three times if she wants to marry the boy. Some girls answer after the first time of asking, but most of them only have the courage to reply after the second or third time. Then the mullah directs the same question at the groom, also three times. The boys usually answers the first time. Now they are officially engaged. To finish the ritual, the boy first drinks a sip from the cup of sacred water and then passes it to the girl, who also drinks it. A blessing by the mullah concludes the engagement. If you wish to attend an Uzbek wedding you need to be flexible, as the families inform their guests only one day before the wedding itself. They do this by sending young men door-to-door to invite some 200 guests personally. At 9 o’clock the guests arrive for the Hadma – the first part of the lengthy wedding ceremony. During Hadma the men and women remain separated – the men in the garden and the women inside the house. A mullah prays for the couple’s good fortune. The guests who came for the Hadma leave after the prayers. After this the groom and about 25 male friends take trucks and cars and return to the girl’s house. Meanwhile the bride has been moved to another house, often the neighbour’s, so that the groom cannot see her. Once the whole male group arrives at her home, the family boils a sheep and serves it to them. After the meal, the male relatives of the bride present the groom with a myriad of different clothes for any situation imaginable, from summer sportswear to winter pajamas. The last item that the groom receives is a traditional Uzbek costume which he immediately puts on. Some of the clothes he receives are also meant for his closest friends. The rest of the party are offered cloth handkerchiefs and belts. Everybody leaves the room except for the groom himself and two of his married friends. Then the bride is ushered in by old women, followed by her female friends. Her face is covered by a veil and she is crying and protesting against the marriage. This is all for show. The female relatives of the girl put two blankets on the ground. The groom sits on one and the bride kneels before him. The groom now lifts the bride up, whilst remaining seated himself, and sets her down next to him on the blanket, symbolizing the bride’s transfer from one family to the other. After this, the men including the groom leave the room. A few minutes later the girl says goodbye to her parents and is escorted out of the room by the older women, who bring her to the groom’s house by car. The younger relatives of the bride also accompany her in the vehicle. When she arrives at the groom’s house, he lifts her out of the car and carries her into the house. The women have already prepared a room for the bride: they have divided the space in two with a curtain, put a variety of blankets in it and furnished it with objects specially bought for the occasion. The groom brings his bride into the room, which is crammed full of women and children, and sets her down on a blanket behind the curtain. He then leaves her and disappears into a different room where he exchanges his traditional Uzbek costume for a tuxedo. The only traditional item of clothing that he keeps on is his embroidered felt hat. Meanwhile, his friends have laid a long table in the garden and hung up a carpet behind it with the words “Welcome to our wedding” written on it. In the bride’s room, a different tradition is taking place called Jus ashte, literally translated as “open face.” First, the children from the groom’s side of the family receive a long traditional bread stick and proceed to tie handkerchiefs, cloth belts and scarves to it. They then hold it in front of the bride’s face like a curtain and lift it up to reveal her face. After this, the Jaksalde ceremony, which means “to put the butter in the hand,” begins. A few older relatives from the groom’s family join the bride. They place a mound of flour, a heap of butter and some plov on the ground in front of her. The bride then Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
5
6
forms a cup with her hands and the old people, in turns, each put first some flour in it, then hold her wrists and shake her hands so that the flour falls to the floor. They repeat this procedure with the butter and the plov, but instead of letting them fall to the ground they catch them with a large plate. In the end the butter and the plov are mixed together and all the members participating in the Jaksalde tradition eat a small portion for good luck. The symbolism of the Jaksalde is that the bride will use her hands to provide food for her future family. The next ceremony is called Jochlande, which means “present”. Before the wedding a man who is older than the couple is chosen. He will be the so-called “godfather”. His job is to support the couple. This is meant in all possible senses: he is the person they will ask for advice in life or when they have problems. He is also the person who will console the couple in case of an argument. He is expected to spend about 20’000 soms (about $400) on presents, usually kitchen utensils, a television, a DVD player and other electronics. In the Jochlande ceremony, the godfather and his wife are the first to enter the room. They give the presents to the bride and congratulate her. Then they also receive presents from the both of the mothers of the couple, preferably equaling the same amount of money as the godfather has spent. Today the younger generations try to avoid being godfathers, as it is considered a waste of money, and often the godfathers do not fulfill their duties. As soon as night has begun to fall the wedding master of ceremonies takes the microphone and welcomes the guests to the party. He invites the young couple to come out and join the festivities. The groom enters the bride’s room with plastic flowers and then tries to step on her foot. The bride copies his action. This tradition has no name but is essential, as it defines who is going to be the dominant partner, and who will be the more submissive one in the marriage. They then leave the house and walk together around the dance-floor three times. They do this in order to advertise themselves. The couple then sit at the head of the table while one girl sings Kelen Salam, which means “the bride welcomes everyone”. When the music starts the friends of the groom are called to the dance floor – some participating more enthusiastically in this tradition than others. After a few songs, it is the bride’s friends turn to take over the dancing. The people standing around the dance floor give money to the dancers. Food is served again – unsurprisingly it is plov– but only for the guests sitting at the table. The last dance is reserved for the groom’s parents, bringing the wedding to an end. The young couple then retreat to a specially prepared room where the women have heaped 10 to 20 blankets on top of each other, creating a bed. There is a table with some tea, jam, butter and bread, which the couple can enjoy whilst getting to know each other during their wedding night. While drinking tea the groom traditionally gives the bride a watch as a present. If the groom is from a richer family he also offers her a ring. The watch symbolises her one-year obligation of cleaning and housekeeping for the groom’s family. From that day on she is expected to get up at 6 o’clock to complete her domestics duties. Earlier, during the Jochlande ceremony, the bride’s mother chose two experienced women from her own family, who have the task of looking after the the bride and help her engage in a sexual relationship by passing on their knowledge to her. They are also the ones who have to prove the bride’s virginity by presenting her parents with the blood-stained white sheet. The bride’s parents, in return, give the two women dresses as a gesture of thanks. More religious couples wait three days before sleeping with each other. The less religious ones make the first night the night. This article emerged from an encounter, in 2012, between six local villagers working for Community Based Tourism Kyrgyzstan (CBT) and their Western guest, Nadine Boller. At the time, Nadine was teaching English to local children and tourist guides while researching language use in Arslanbob. She is currently spending five months with a Kyrgyz nomad family on a remote pasture on the shores of lake Son-Kul in order to produce a documentary film about their lifestyle, culture and traditions. Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
6
7
8
Uzbekifying Timurid: Architectural Heritage on the Way to Independence Tourists from around the world flock to the blue-domed Timurid cities of Bukhara, Samarkand and Khiva in Uzbekistan. In this article a western academic argues that everything is not as it seems. Current post-colonial theories describe the symbolic content of the post-Soviet ideologies as the formation of state ethnonationalism. After its independence in 1991, Uzbekistan was looking for a common framework with which to shape the discourse on nation-building and nation-branding. The great emperor Timur (1336-1405), one of the very few mortals to give their name to an acclaimed architectural style, was branded as the epitome of Uzbek national identity. While the alluring persona of Timur played the role of a symbol, the production of meaning was created by Timurid architecture. As a result, the surviving Timurid monuments were hastily restored for the celebrations of Timur's 660th birthday in 1996. How exactly were Timurid monuments used as visual protagonists of a nationalistic rhetoric in post-Soviet Uzbekistan? In the period between the Uzbekee Independence in 1991 and 2001, when the architectural centre of Samarqand was put on the UNESCO World Heritage List, some of the Timurid monuments were actually rebuilt, not restored. In this analysis, architectural restorations are treated as a power tool used for the production and acceptance of history. W ho was Amir Timur? Timur (reigned 1370-1405) was a nomadic conqueror in the late fourteenth century whose empire stretched from Anatolia to China; he is also considered to be the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India. The architectural monuments of the Timurid empire, situated mainly in present day Uzbekistan, are regarded as masterpieces of medieval Islamic architecture. Throughout his reign, Timur utilised and exploited the cultural and artistic resources of his vast empire for the replenishment of his two capitals Samarqand and Shahr-i Sabz. W ho profited from the Timurid legacy? Uzbekistan seems to have claimed the Timurid legacy for political purposes ever since the rulke of Stalin. In 1941 Stalin commissioned the renowned archaeologist Gerasimov to create a paleo-anthropological facial reconstruction of Timur based on his remains at Gur-i Amir, the Timurid dynastic mausoleum in Samarqand. Most likely Stalin wanted to boost the spirit of Soviet patriotism and derive military inspiration from the medieval warlord at the onset of World War II. In 1946 the Russian historiographer Yakubovsky published a Soviet evaluation of Timur in which he exposed Timur’s military cruelty and defined his architectural monuments as primary sources of material culture. Yakubovsky regarded the Timurid inscriptions as “the most reliable documentary source”. At the same time, he referred with scepticism to the Timurid genealogy at Gur-i Amir, recently translated by Semenov, in which Timur was revealed as a direct descendant of Genghis Khan. Prior to the great celebrations of the 2500th anniversary of Samarqand, the famous Uzbek historian Muminov stated in his book The Role and Place of Amir Timur in the History of Central Asia (1968) that “Timur was the most popular statesman in Europe” following his victory over the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I in 1402. Muminov also proclaimed Timur as the creator of great architectural artefacts and as the protector of the commercial routes along the Silk Road. Nonetheless, in 1973 an official decision was taken by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan which condemned Amir Timur. Based on that document, the Presidium of the Uzbek Academy of Science issued a ruling with Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
7
which all copies of the Yazdi’s Zafarnama, the celebrated Timurid chronicle from the fifteenth century, were confiscated and burned in the courtyard of the Fan publishing house in Tashkent. In this regard, all publications revealing any positive aspects of Timur’s deeds were banned. It was only after 1991, when the Independence of Uzbekistan was proclaimed, that articles and books about Timur started reappearing. The sharp criticism of the propaganda in the last decades of the Soviet Union was replaced by vivacious appraisals of Timur. In 1997 the Uzbek president Karimov said:
“How many times in the past when we read and heard about ‘Timur – a conqueror’ and ‘Timur – a destroyer’ did we ask ourselves: ‘How could such a culture and economy flourish on our ground during his reign?’ Only after gaining independence could we render proper veneration to and appraisal of our great ancestor.” Following the break with the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan drastically rejected the Marxist-Leninist communist legacy and substituted it with the Timurid cult. In 1993 the bronze statue of Amir Timur replaced the monument of Karl Marx in the heart of Tashkent. The figure of Lenin at the Red Square made way for the bronze globe depicting Uzbekistan as the only allencompassing country in the world resting on the Lenin’s red granite pedestal. The Red Square was renamed as the Mustakilik (Independence) Square. Following an initiative of president Karimov, UNESCO took a decision to celebrate the 660th anniversary of Amir Timur in 1996. The celebrations were crowned by the opening of the new yurt-like museum of Timur in Tashkent. Further, the international conference “Amir Temur and His Place in World History” took place in the Uzbek capital on 23-26 October 1996. In his opening speech, president Karimov said:
“Amir Temur became part of world history not only as an outstanding military leader and statesman who had created a powerful prosperous state; he transformed his capital – Samarkand – into one of the cultural and scientific centres of the world. Magnificent monuments of architecture, the true pearls of folk arts, craftsmanship and culture, remain to be perfect decorations of our cities and towns.” Timur’s powerful personality and his megalomaniac architectural ambitions which facilitated state legitimation have made him a popular figure among certain Soviet and post-Soviet political elites. Following trends of revision of the national historiography in Central Asia, the Timurid cult has been used for new historical identification in the post-Soviet era. Since Independence, the Timurid cult has become a key term in the process of state formation. Timur as the national hero, who fostered the spread of Islam across his steppe empire, enjoys mass appeal among the Uzbek general public in a predominantly Muslim nation with nomadic roots. President Karimov refers to Timur as “our grandfather” or Sahibkiran (great leader). Timurid architecture, in turn, has been used to boost the sense of belonging and pride among the Uzbek population in the course of ethno-nationalisation. W ere Timurid restorations a political statement? The restoration of Timurid monuments began during the Soviet period. As early as the 1950s Uzbekistan was portrayed as the cradle of cultured socialism across Central Asia. The Timurid architectural legacy was used to sustain these claims. International delegations and flocks of tourists from neighbouring Soviet republics affirmed their socialist solidarity by paying tribute to the Timurid heritage. The ruins of the Timurid mosques, mausoleums and madrasas (Islamic schools) in Samarqand and Bukhara were extensively analysed and restored by the Soviet scholars Ratiia, Voronina, Rempel, Bulatov, Pugachenkova and Mankovskaya, to name a Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
8
9
10
few. The Bibi Khanum Mosque (1398-1405), erected in Samarqand as a glorious testimony to Timur’s victory over Delhi, was comprehensively studied by Ratiia in the late 1940s. Ratiia drew up the first reconstructions in his book published in 1950. According to his drawings, the sanctuary façade is very high and completely blocks the dome. This is in contrast to Timur’s historiographer Yazdi who exclaimed: “The dome would rank supreme were it not for the sky itself; and so would the arch of the iwan were it not for the
Figure 1: Bib Khanum Mosque, Samarkand Credit: Author
Milky Way.” Given the proportions of the sanctuary, the dome was undoubtedly meant to surpass the height of the smaller side mosques and be visible above all other buildings. However, during the colossal restorations in the 1990s a band of inscriptions, suggested presumably by Ratiia, was added onto the screen and one additional octagonal segment was placed on top of the two framing towers (guldasta). (Figure 1) These two alterations elongated the overall proportions of the sanctuary iwan and entirely obstructed the view of the newly rebuilt turquoise dome. (Figure 2) It is important to note that the inscription depicting Soerat Albaqara 2:127/128 (Figure 3) can be also found above the entrance of the Gok Gunbad Mosque in Shahr-i Sabz (Figure 4), initially commissioned by Timur’s grandson Ulugh Beg (between 1435-1436). The same text is visible on the main sanctuary of the Shaybanid Kalan Mosque in Bukhara (completed around 1514). (Figure 5) Obviously, similar calligraphic templates were reused for these three completely different monuments. In analogous restoration campaigns, inscriptions were added onto the main entrance portals of the Timurid dynastic mausoleum Gur-i Amir and the necropolis ShahFigure 2:Bibi Khanum Main Sancturary
Credit: Author
i Zinda, both in Samarqand.
The epigraphic bands described above are totally absent from some of the earliest photographs taken by Prokudin-Gorsky (1870s and early 1900s), Friedrich Sarre (published in 1901) and Ernst Cohn-Wiener (published in 1930). Since the architectural fabric of the buildings was extensively damaged due to several devastating earthquakes and military campaigns, it is impossible to reconstruct with certainty the original architecture of the monuments. Furthermore, there are no surviving plans or drawings that might shed more light on their original design. That is why the first photographs from the late nineteenth century could be Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
Figure 3: Inscription at Bibi Khanum
Credit: Author
9
regarded as objective evidence revealing the state of the Timurid
monuments
prior
to
their
subsequent
restorations. Why was it necessary to add the inscriptions then? I suspect that the artistic reasons were overshadowed by a political move to Uzbekify the Timurid architectural heritage. Similar to the persona of Timur, who underwent a considerable Uzbekificiation in the postSoviet period, the Timurid monuments were Uzbekified using epigraphic prototypes from sixteenth century Uzbek Shaybanid architecture. Figure 4: Kok Bungad Mosque, Shakhrisabz
Credit: Author
Uzbekistan’s claims on the Timurid legacy are based on the geographical position of the Timurid imperial capital Samarqand and his birthplace Shahr-i Sabz that were within the artificially created boundaries of the new Soviet Republic, proclaimed in 1924. Yet, Timur did not have an Uzbek genealogy. It was only in the sixteenth century that the Uzbek tribes became part of the territory of present day Uzbekistan. The Shaybanids were descendants of Shiban, the fifth son of Jochi and grandson of Genghis Khan. In the middle of the fourteenth century, the Shaybanids took the name of Özbeg, now widely known as Uzbek. They were also Mongol-Turks, similar to Timur. However, the two dynasties were rivals. Due to their nomadic origin, the Shaybanids were never officially rehabilitated by the Soviet elites. Yet, the Shaybanid monuments and their relatively well preserved designs may have been used to Figure 5: Kalon Mosque, Bukhara
Credit: Author
reconstruct the scarce remains of Timurid architecture.
Bands of inscriptions are quite common above the portals of the Abdullah Khan Mosque and Madrasa (1580s), the Abdulaziz Khan Madrasa (1652), all of them built in the Shaybanid stronghold of Bukhara. Since gaining independence in 1991, the Uzbek government has been using the Timurid heritage for state branding. Uzbekistan is presented to the world as the cradle of Timurid civilization and as an important cultural hub along the Silk Road. The Timurid monuments in Samarqand and Shahr-i Sabz are depicted on all state-issued tourist brochures and paraded on large screens during state-sponsored Uzbek cultural events across Europe and the US. The authenticity of the monuments is not questioned, their exquisite decoration and epigraphic programmes are branded as perfectly preserved Uzbek architectural heritage. The author has spent considerable time in Uzbekistan conducting fieldwork over the past few years. The themes highlighted here emerged from this research and being developed into a larger project.
Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
10
11
12
The FOCUS Association and the TET A TET Project by Shakyla Hussain “No modern means of communication can replace personal, face to face human interaction.” Anatoly Kolesnikov, RIP 1983-2013
Central Asia remains a relatively unknown entity to most Europeans. In this article Shakyla Hussain describes how understanding and knowledge were exchanged between artists in Kyrgyzstan and Switzerland. Created in 2009, the FOCUS Association, based in Switzerland, organizes transdisciplinary art projects which aim to encourage artistic exchange and support cultural diversity. By presenting exigent artworks involving diverse artistic statements in the field of visual arts, sculpture, graphic design, new media and music, FOCUS facilitates the exchange of ideas between emerging artists from different creative milieus. The artistic exchange TET A TET took place in Kyrgyzstan and Switzerland between 2009 and 2011. Four Swiss artists – Adrienne Scherrer, Yann Gross, Régis Tosetti and Simon Deppierraz presented an outdoor exhibition in October 2009 with five Kyrgyz artists – Bermet Borubaeva, Nikolai Cherkasov, Dmitry Petrovsky, Chingiz Aidarov and Anatoly Kolesnikov. In September 2011, the Kyrgyz participants spent three weeks in Switzerland and created TET A TET#2 at the former supermarket Ex-Epa in Vevey with four additional Swiss artists Federico Berardi, Simon Palmieri, Sebastian Vargas and Camille Scherrer.
Road trip with the participantsj
Entrance of B’Art Center (Bishkek) w
Sculptures at B’Art Center (Bishkek) j
Near Cholpon-Ataj
Tölök Riverj
Conference at B’Art Center (Bishkek)
First discussionsj
At Chabysh Festivalj
At Anatoly Kolesnikov’s placej
Breakfast and designing of the posterj
Tokmokj
Kyz-Kuumaij
Pictures from TET A TET #1, 2009 (more picture are available on the website of the FOCUS Association: www.focus-art.ch)
Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
Credit: FOCUS
11
The intercultural project TET A TET created a hub that highlighted similarities and common interests, rather than focusing
13
on differences and discrepancies. It helped to foster dialogue among Kyrgyz and Swiss artists, building bridges between cultures. Focus is the place in which different objects converge. This is exactly what the project’s innovative collaborations are all about. Thousands of kilometers away from Switzerland, FOCUS and TET A TET encouraged human interactions in which there was a convergence of open-mindedness and cultural exchange. According to TET A TET artist Anatoly Kolesnikov, “no modern means of communication can replace personal, face to face human interaction”. We are part of the group which Dutch curator Lidewij Edelkoort calls the “Pop-up generation.”1 We were born into a life dominated by flat-screens, always living, moving, learning, playing between two and three dimensions. Therefore, FOCUS wants to bring both intercultural human interaction and digitalization together in order to promote cultural diversity through modern means of expression and communication such as digital artworks, 3D mapping, interaction design and social media. New ways of artistic creation using technology should be encouraged. In the past ten years, the digital sphere, smartphones and the ubiquity of images have become part of our social interactions and everyday life. Indeed people, according to Henry Jenkins, live in a "convergence culture", where everyone can obtain cultural goods for many different purposes.2 Nowadays, Facebook has more than 950 million subscribers and 880 million users watch You Tube.3 Modern means of communication have radically changed how human beings communicate with each other and art has changed through them as well. In an upcoming transdisciplinary project called Sofa Kabul the FOCUS Association aims to encourage new ways of artistic expression. Afghan and Swiss artists will collaborate in order to produce artworks in the field of visual arts, digital art, music, video animation, traditional and modern calligraphy, mapping video and projections, digital graffiti and architecture. The cultural exchange will focus on the ways in which technology from the West can be integrated with culture and arts from Central Asia and vice versa. The program is planned between 2013 and 2014. Indeed, the coming two years are vital for Afghanistan’s future. The arts have to be promoted as a means of expression in the country, where many cultural events have been forbidden for the last 40 years. Culture and arts offer a means through which dialogue and cooperation can be achieved. 1
http://www.edelkoort.com/2012/12/pop-!ಣup-!ಣgeneration/ http://www.convergenceculture.org/ 3 http://www.youtube.com/t/press_statistics 2
FOCUS is a non profit association created in April 2009 by Shakyla Hussain (*1985, lives and works in Zurich). Graduated in 2008 from the IUHEID Geneva, she encourages cultural exchanges as a motto fostering on intercultural relations and arts. Native from the moitié-moitié generation, both from Afghanistan and Switzerland, she is currently working at Swiss arts Council Pro Helvetia.
For more info on FOCUS and partnership opportunities, please contact : Ms. Shakyla Hussain:
[email protected]; linkedin: http://www.linkedin.com/pub/shakyla-hussain/39/413/512 Visit FOCUS on: http://www.focus-art.ch & http://www.facebook.com/focus.art.ch; follow FOCUS on Twitter: http://twitter.com/Focus_vevey UPCOMING Anatoly Kolesnikov's video Swiss Monolith will be presented at the Nuit des Images, Musée de l'Elysée in Lausanne, June 27th and 28th 2013. http://www.elysee.ch/la-nuit-des-images/ About Sofa Kabul: Sofa Kabul will take place in Afghanistan and Switzerand between 2013 and 2014. Graffiti artist Shamsia Hassani will be invited for a wall painting session with Swiss artist at Message Salon in Zürich on Sunday June 9th. More information coming soon at http://www.focus-art.ch. Perspectives on Central Asia No. 1, April
12
