Robert Jones - Islamic manuscripts

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Ptracy) war) and the acquisition of Arabic manuscripts in RenaissanceEurope

@ RobertJonesOne of the ways in which Islamic Arabic manuscripts, particularly Qurans and prayerbooks, came into European hands during the sixteenthcentury was when they were taken as spoils of war and as pirates' booty. It is usual for devotional works to be carried into battle and on journeys by devout Muslims' So when European forces achievedsuccessagainst Ottoman troops in the MediterraneanSea or on the Hungarian plain, or when pirates attacked shipping off the north African coast, they often found such books of prisonersand hostages,and among the possessions on the bodies of the dead. It was even possible to stumble upon whole collectionsof Arabic manuscripts in the madrasahsand mosque librariesof any towns or citadels they captured. On one exceptional occasion, Spanishpirates boarded a boat and found the library of a Moroccan Sultan. Violent eventscould of courselead to the destruction of books along with other propert-v.But some Christian soidiers and sailors kept the Arabrc books they found as trophies and as merchandise.As with other plundered goods, a trade developed in these handwritten Qurans and manuscripts;and somefound their way into the collections of a few European scholarswho were eagerand able to read Arabic texts' Others were presented to distinguished patrons of Arabic studies. Today, a number of these Arabic manuscripts of Ottoman and Maghribt provenances, saved four or five centuriesago from the ravages of war and piracy, are still preservedin major European libraries. Not that the sixteenth century was the Íirst time Arabic books were acquired in this way by the west. Nor was it to be the last. The medievaltransmissionof knowledgefrom Arabic into Latin had followed closely in the wake of the Christian reconquestof Sicily and Spain. In particular, the capture of the city of Toledo in 1085 AD releasedan abundanceof Arabic manuscripts and local Arabic-speakers for use by Christian scholars;and under the patronage of Archbishop Raimundo in the early twelfth century, scholars travelled there from all over Europe to collaborate with Arabic-speakerson the translation of texts that interested them 1. During the colonial period, the appropriation of oriental manuscripts,including Arabic texts, also contributed to the growth of European M a n u s c r i p t so f t h e M i d d l e E a s t 2 ( 1 9 8 7 )

libraries and Orientalism.For example,the capture ol Seringapatamin 1799by British troops under Colonel Wellesley,the future Duke of Wellington, yieldedspoil even fictitious in the case of that was fantastic Wilkie Collins's moonstone. It also provided 2,000 volumes in Arabic. Persian.Urdu and Hindi collected by Tipu Sultan.Thesemanuscriptswere then divided betweenBritish libraries at home and in India2. On the eve of the sixteenth century, however, the Catholic reconquest of Granada did not presage a revival of Arabic studies in Spain. Reports that Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros's policy of enforced conversion for the people of Granada was accompanied by the burning of thousands of Arabic manuscripts in the Plaza de Bibarrambla contrast vividly with the attitude towards Arabic learningfour hundred 1-earsearlier after the reconquestof Toledo. Unlike Archbishop Raimundo of Toledo. the new Archbishop of Granada. Fernando de Talavera,did not preside over a group of translators recovering lost classical texts in Arabic versions.Instead.he commissionedhis confessor,Pedro de Alcalá, to write a grammar and lexicon of Arabic. These works, written in collaboration with a local faqíh, and published at Granada in 1505,predate any other European attempt to provide Arabic language textbooks on a wide scale3. But, becausethey were intended to educate priests in the languageof the Moriscos. they were written in Castilian and transliterated Andalusian Arabic. So while they enablethe readerto preach in a dialect of Arabic, they offer very limited help to the student of Arabic texts in Arabic script. Indeed,contrary to both contemporary and popular modern expectations,the very presenceof the Morisco community in Spain and the repressiveresponseof the Catholic authorities to that community meant that Spanish scholars and Spanish libraries did not play a significant role in the sixteenth-centuryrevival of European Arabic studiesa. This astonishingrevival took place in other parts of Europe that had never known sustainedcontact with Muslim culture. RenaissanceArabists - for so they may be termed - regarded themselvesas continuing and in this and refining the work of their predecessors; respect,their endeavourrepresentsa final repriseofthe medieval oeriod of translation. At the same time,

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however,they emulatedsome of the aims and methods Tottenham, William Bedwell (1563-1632);in Vienna of the scholarsand printers of Greek in the fifteenth the librarian of the Imperial library, SebastianTengnawith his Turkish scribes;andin Heidelcentury; and like Greek studies of the Renaissance, gel (1573-1636) In Leiden,ChrisArabic studies and Arabic printing flourished first in berg,JacobChristmann(1554-1613). tophe Plantin's scholar-printerson-in-law, Franciscus Italy before crossingthe Alps to northern Europe. By the early seventeenthcentury, centresof learning Raphelengius(1539-1597)was working on Arabic as as far flung and as different in culture, outlook, and was the influential JosephJustus Scaliger(1540-1609). circumstances as Rome, Vienna and London, or In Rome, Giovan Battista Raimondi (c. 1536-1614) Breslau,Heidelbergand Paris, could boast of scholars supervisedthe publication of Arabic books for the with a knowledge of Arabic and collectionsof Arabic Medici Oriental Press, which was founded in Erpemanuscriptsthat were wholly unprecedentedin those nius's birthyear by a future Grand Duke of Tuscany, parts. Not that these scholarsmade anything like the Ferdinando de' Medici: and in Breslau there was the contribution to the mainstream of European learning AvicennistPeterKirsten (l 575-1640)7. Both thesegenerationsof scholarswere the pioneers that can be claimed for the medieval translators of Arabic texts into Latin. But by making it possiblefor who created the necessaryconditions in which the collectorsand bibliographers Europeans at home to tackle Arabic texts directly. greatseventeenth-century which Arabic manuscripts a new discipline of Golius, Pococke, Warner, RenaissanceArabists created could pursuetheir totally changedthe nature of European knowledge of Hottinger.d'Herbelotand so Islam, the Arabs. their language.and their learning: work. Prior to the sixteenth century. European scholars and for many this change implies something much more immediateand important than the transmission and librariesmade a feu isoiatedacquisitionsof Araof scientificor philosophicalideasin the Middle Ages. bic manuscripts. We hear of Arabic manuscripts housed at Ciuny and in the episcopallibrary at York It heraldsthe birth of Orientalisms. The European discovery of Arabic learning during during the Middle Ages8; and in the secondhalf of the the Renaissanceprogressedin a competitive atmos- fifteenth century two humanists owned a few Arabic phere through the sustainedeffort of a few isolated manuscripts: Giorgio Valla had five; and Giovanni scholars,sometimessupported by influential patrons, Pico della Mirandola had sevene. Some fifty-seven and using, and occasionally pooling, minimal Arabic manuscriptsenteredthe Vatican library, probaresources.These included. to some extent as we shall bly from its inception in 1450and perhapsbrought to see,manuscriptsacquiredas booty. The famous medie- Italy as a gift by the legation of the Coptic Patriarch val translators had not left their successorsanv sub- J o h n X l t o t h e C o u n c i lo f F l o r e n c ei n 1 4 4 1 1 0 . In the formatire penod that concernsus in this stantialcollectionsof Arabic manuscriptsnor an1 of the meansfor learningArabic: and as Thomas Erpe- article.during the sixteenthcentur,vand the lifetimeof nius. professorof Arabic at Leiden University.told a Thomas Erpenrus.the rnflur o1'Arabic manuscripts new generationof students in 1620,accessto Arabic into Europe increasedhtfully due to a variety of books, teachers,and languageprimers was a privilege circumstances.There were those among the Arabists who combined physical courage rvith their intellectual that had only just beenwon6. In the early sixteenth century, a first generationof curiosity and undertook dangerousjourneys to North Orientalistswith a specialinterest in Arabic - Agos- Africa, the Ottoman World, Persia,and India with the tino Giustiniani (1470-1536),Johann Albrecht von expresspurpose of learning Arabic and other eastern Widmanstetter (1506-1557), Cardinal Egidio of languagesand of recoveringArabic manuscripts. Andrea Alpago (d. 1520) was exceptional among Viterbo and his Arabic-speakingassistantLeo Africanus (born c. 1490), Teseo Ambrogio (1469-1540), RenaissanceArabists in that he spent most of his life Nicolas Clenardus(c. 1493-1542). and especiallyGuil- in Damascus. attached to the Venetian legation. He (1510-1581) laume Postel developedareas of in- travelledwidely in searchof manuscriptsin other parts terestthat were to dominate the attention of a second of the Arab world but we do not know what becameof his collectionI 1. Guillaume Postel.on the other hand. generatron. These later Arabists straddled the turn of the cen- brought home an interesting collection of Arabic tury during the forty year lifetime of Thomas Erpenius manuscriptsafter his diplomatic excursionsto the east; (1584-1624), when the questfor Arabic sources,Arabic and these manuscripts exercised a considerable Nicolas Clenarspeakersand scribes,and the attempt to compose a influence over his Arabist successors. deflnitive Arabic grammar book and dictionary for dus, disappointed by the moribund state of Arabic European use, were pursued with particular intensity. studiesat Salamanca.travelled on to Fes in searchof In Paris there was the circle of Isaac Casaubon(1559- Arabic texts but was prevented from acquiring the l6l4). EtienneHubert (c. 1568-1614) and other Ara- manuscriptshe wanted12.A generationlater, Etienne bist doctors of the French King, as well as Frangois Hubert collected manuscripts during his visit to the Savary de Brèves (1560-1628)with his Turkish and Sultan in Fes, and these were appreciated by his Maronite assistants.In London. there was the vicar of contemporaries after his return to Paris. Frangois

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Savary de Brèves,whose twenty-two years in Istanbul attention on the search for specifictexts; as did the rival Andrea Alpago's thirty years in Damascus, Arabists' desire to improve upon the medieval Latin brought a substantialcollection of manuscriptshome versionsof Arabic works. The Arabic texts of Ibn Siná and al-Rázr, for example, frequently republished with him 13. Raimondi the Renaissancein their earlier Latin guise, Battista during Erpenius claimed that Giovan travelled abroad to pursue a knowledge of Arabicra; were much in demand in their original form among the and the diary of a journey from Hormuz to Aleppo, Arabists22. The one widely disseminatedpublication written in his hand, may confirm thisls. Whether or giving inside information on Arabic authors and their not Raimondi acquired manuscripts in this way, at works during the secondhalf of the sixteenthcentury, 'Description of Africa' by Leo Africanus. Rome he was well placed to be in close touch with was the diplomatic and missionary agents to the Near and Granadan by birth, al-Hasan ibn Mutrammad al-WazMiddle East, especially Giovan Battista Britti and zan al-Zayyátï was educated at Fes where he was later 16. From employed by the Sultan on various diplomatic and Gerolamo and Gioambattista Vecchietti Vienna, SebastianTengnagel,who never left Europe, commercialmissions.On return from a visit to Egypt, kept in touch with the Imperial dragomansat Istanbul: however,he was capturedat Djerba by Sicilianpirates, JohannesPaulus Albanus, in the seconddecadeof the brought to Rome in 1518. and presentedto Pope seventeenthcenturylT; and Michele d'Asquier in the Leo X. After a year's captivity, he was baptised with mid 1620s.He also contactedthe wandering Egyptian the Pope's name. and proceededto assista number of Copt, Y[suf ibn Abu Daqan (JosephBarbatus).who scholars.including Cardinal Egidio. with their Arabic was in Istanbul at the sametime as d'Asquier18.For studies.His'Description'wasnot publisheduntil 1550; otherssuchas Erpeniusor Jean-BaptisteDuval, Venice but after that first Italian edition, it entereda number 23. offered an excellent opportunity for learning some of other editionsin a variety of European languages Arabic or Turkish of a rudimentary kind from mer- A century after Leo came to Rome, some of the most to Erpechants and dragomans, and for buying some manu- precisebibliographical information available'Descrip1e. in the given Leo by scripts Moreover, in spite of the personaland inter- nius in Leiden was that denominational rivalries that have left us with such tion'; and Erpenius cited Leo more than once in his it was works by authors scurrilous accounts of certain scholars' abilities as orationson Arabic. Moreo'u'er. sought in North Erpenius that Brèves Leo de to b;Savary and referred Erpenius, Scaliger, Arabists pupi1. Golius' and Jacob of his help Antonides *rth the Christmann. Africa wereparticularlyscathingabout ibn ptoneers Ahmad Fes. their assistantfrom Qásim2a' and Kirsten, and Hubert respectively the Although this t1'peof directed searchfor particular exchangedcertain information. The-vtold each other about the locations and contents of Arabic manu- texts could be successful,chance too played a part in scriptsin different European librariesat that time; and bringing Arabic manuscriptsto Europe. Late in 1577 they used others collections.The Arabic manuscripts or in early 1578, the arrival in Rome, in somewhat that Postelpawned to the Elector of Heidelberg,Otto mysterious circumstances, of the refugee Jacobite Heinrich, in 1555 and that remained in the Palatine Patriarch of Antioch, Ignazio Na'mat Alláh (Nehelibrary until 1622 (when they were removed to the mes), was an exceptionalevent which very fortunately Vatican20)were especiallypopular: Casaubon,Christ- contributed to the establishmentof the Medici Oriental mann, Kirsten, Tengnagel, and Erpenius all either Press: the Patriarch brought not only a viva vot'e knowledgeof Arabic and Syriac,but also his library of consulted,borrowed, or copied them. Not that the acquisition of manuscriptsduring this Syriacand Arabic manuscriPts2s. The most random of all forms of manuscript acquiperiod, and the growth in knowledgeof the texts they way as sition, and one over which no bibliographicalcontrol contained,progressedsolely in an orchestrated the result of the deliberatechoicesmade by European could be exercised,was of courseplunder' Books taken scholars.Before Golius acquireda copy of Ibn Khalli- as spoils of war or booty often bear inscriptions kán's biographical dictionary from Ahmad ibn Qásim proudly testifying to the circumstancesin which they at Safi in 162421,very limited information on Arabic were acquired; and by collectingsomeof theseinscripwriters and their works was availableto Europeans.As tions together and dovetailing them with eventschroErpenius told the listenersto his orations, and as we nicled in the history books it is possibleto build up a can see from his marginalia in some of the Arabic picture of this form of acquisitionfor the sixteenthand manuscriptshe owned or consulted,he had gained a early seventeenthcenturies.Here are some examples. During the first Turkish siegeof Vienna in 1529,one general impression of Arabic literature and learning from the numbers of authors cited in those manu- of the citizens,Johan Traberger,composedsome dogscripts. But it was difficult to isolate any particular gerel in German and wrote it into a small Muslim prayerbook, glossed in Turkish, which he acquired. work or author on this basis. of certain the recovery The six rhyming couplets explain how Traberger had about speculation European focused versions bought the book from a mercenarywho had picked it lost Greek and Latin works in Arabic

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P l a t e L A c . 1 7 t h - c e n t u r yc o p y of Baron JohannesMarquart's German inscription on part of a Quran in a large mughrihr hand describinghow he took the original manuscriptduring the sack of Tunison 2l Julv 1535.

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up from an abandoned Turkish camp in a deserted. burnt-down house outside the city2ó. (The other great siegeof Vienna in 1683also provided Europeanswith Muslim prayerbooks)27. In 1535,the siegeand sack of Tunis by the Emperor Charles V included the looting of manuscripts,especially Qurans, from the mosques and libraries of the city28.Apparently, one extract from a Quran copied in 'as a a large maghribí hand was taken from Tunis souvenir' by Baron JohannesMarquart von Kungbeck on 2l July 1535.At any rate, a later Europeancopy of the Arabic text and of the baron's unequivocal German inscription (see plate l) was acquired by Groningen Universitylibrary in 17762e. On26 July 1535,BernardoRiparoli took the fourth volume of a Mamlflk copy of Bukhàri's famous collection of hadtth. the Sahíh. from the Mosque at Tunis. This manuscript then came into the Palatine library at Heidelberg;and along with the majority of the Arabic manuscriptspawned to the Elector by Postel. it later passedto the Vatican library30. A fragment of a letter received by Tengnagel in about 1624 describesthe Arabic manuscriptsin the library of Maximilian. Duke of Bavaria, including a Quran plundered at Tunis. 'Alcoranus ex direptione Tunnetana'3r - the very words containedin an inscriptionon the first leaf of an AndalusianQuran. copied in Sevrllein 624 AHl1226 AD, and now kept in Munich32.It had beenpassedon to the Arabist J.A. von Widmanstetterbefore entering the Duke's library. Three volumes of an eight volume maghrihr Quran copied in the late fifteenth century now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, were taken from Tunis, apparently by the Emperor Charles V himself, and passedon to the Escorial library, where Cardinal Granvelle acquired them for his own collection33.Furthermore,two manuscriptsrecordedin the mid-sixteenth century by Federico Ranaldi in his inventory of Arabic manuscripts in the Vatican Library. have been identified by Giorgio Levi della Vida with rwo maghriór manuscripts that formerly belongedto the mosque in Tunis. It is likely that they too were taken away during the sack of 153534. A number of other Qurans and devotional works in the Vatican Library, listed by Ranaldi and identified by Levi della Vida with manuscriptsof easternrather than maghriálprovenance,were probably plunderedby Christian piratesboarding Muslim boats or confiscated from Turkish prisoners-of-war3s.Two juridical texts among these manuscripts may have belonged to a travellingJaqíh36. On 7 October 1571,victory over the Ottoman fleet at that most celebrated of naval engagements,the battle of Lepanto, also brought Arabic manuscripts into European hands and eventuallyinto the hands of scholars who could read them. Apparently some twenty Arabic, Persian,and Turkish manuscripts.in'Corán de Lepanto', were acquired cluding a so-called

by the Escorial library as a result of the battle, though information on this is unclear3?.One preciselydocumented example of a manuscript won at Lepanto, however,is the copy of the popular abridgementof the Hidaya, the hanafite text by al-Marghrnànï, composed by Mahmud al-Mahblbi and entitled Wiqayat al8. Now preserved in the rivrayah.fi masa'il al-hida.v-ah3 universitylibrary at Leiden, and traditionally classified among the Scaliger legacy, a Spanish inscription by Don Bernardo de Josa clearly statesthat he was given this manuscript with ten other books at Rome by Don Guillem de Sanctelimente,who had acquired them among the spoils at Lepanto3e.(Seeplate 2). Away from the Mediterranean, in quite a different theatre of war, in the disputed borderlands of northwesternHungary, a number of skirmishesin l59l and 1592led to outright war in 1593.The forces of Emperor Rudolph II of Austria engagedOttoman troops under the command of the eighty-year-oldGrand Vizier.SinánPasha:and the initial Habsburgsuccesses brought more Ottoman Arabic and Turkish manuscriptsinto Europeanhands+0. Having taken up his uinter quarters in Belgrade, Sinán Pashawas not in a positionto help the Pashaof which Ofen defend Stuhlweissenburg(Szekesfehérvár), the Imperial army attacked on 3 November 1593. leaving 6,000 Turkish troops dead and capturing 44 canonsal. Among the dead was a man who had been carrying an octavo sizemanuscript containing extracts from the Quran and prayers as well as an Arabic text. Stephanus Schupman of Górz in Illyria (Gorizía) picked up the blood-stainedbook and later gave it to Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldstorf - or so a record of an inscription on the manuscript tells usa2. The Habsburg forces did not take full advantageof their victory and the lack of Turkish reinforcements; and instead of advancing on Gran (Strigoine. Esztergom), they spentthe rest of November capturing lesser objectives with the help of Hungarian baronsa3. Among the Turkish strongholdsthey succesfullybesieged was the Castle of Frilek, where once again a manuscript may have been acquiredamong the spoils. or possibly two years before, On this occasion according to another source - it was a Swabian dignitary, Vitus Marchtaler of Ulm, who took the manuscript, or rather scroll, which contains a set of genealogicaltablesin Turkish - the Subhatal-Akhbar by Y[suf ibn Abd al-Latif, now located in the Herzog August Bibliothek at Wolfenbrittel44. Late in 1593, a Hungarian by the name of Matthaeus Uyfalvi (Ujfalvy) sent a manuscript copy of the Quran as a presentto Jacob Christmann in Heidelberg. It may also have come from Frilek. According to the donor's inscription, eleven forts previously occupied by the Turks had been recovered at the end of that year; and this book was taken among the spoilsas. (Seeplate 3).

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Plate 2. Don Bernardo de Josa's Spanish inscription on a copy of Mahmld al-Mahb[br's popular Hanafite legal compendium. Wiqayat al-ríwayahfi masa'il al-hidayah,explaining that he was given the manuscript by Don Guillem de Sanctellimentewho had taken it al the battle of Lepanto on 7 October 1571. (Leiden University Library, Cod.Or. 222" fol. 1r).

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Quran explaining that the manuscript had been taken from an Ottoman fort in Hungary late in 1593.(Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ms. Laud 0r.246 fol.lr). This page also contains a note by Samson Johnson, stating that he acquired the manuscriot in 1635.

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Subsequently,more than twenty years after Christ- story of the European appropriation of Arabic manumann's death, this manuscriptwas acquiredin 1635by scripts was when Spanishpirates closed on a boat off Samson Johnson, chaplain to the British envoy to the west coast of Morocco. According to Spanish Germany, who passedit on that sameyear to William sources, this took place in about 1611. When they Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of the boarded the boat, the pirates found it was carrying an Oxford University, and the foremost patron of Arabic exceptionally valuable cargo in the shape of Sultan studiesin England. It is now preservedin the Bodleian Mawláy Zaydàn's householdeffects.This included his Library. The manuscript, which is in an undistin- entire library of some three or four thousand Arabic guishednaskh hand dated 971 AHl1569 AD. contains manuscripts. Back in Spanish waters, the cargo was annotations by Christmann as well as two leaves of unloaded and the library presentedto King Philip III text lost from the original copy and suppliedby Christ- who depositedit in the library of the royal monastery of San Lorenzo at the Escorials8.A source used by mann in his own Arabic hand. During the campaigning seasonof 1594, Ottoman Lévi Provenqal claimed that a French captain was forcesregainedthe initiative and their strategicadvan- commissionedto convey the library and other effects tage was securedby the fall of Raab (Javerin,Yániq). from Safi to Agadir, but that when the agreedfee was On 9 March. however, successover the Turks at not forthcoming, he headedfor Marsella and had then Neuigrat left an Arabic prayerbook to a Habsburg been captured off Sale by three Spanishgalleonsse. For the Moroccan side of the story. we have a brief soldier. Like a number of other manuscriptsthat were the year, kept in passage it is now in Erpenius's second oration on the value of won in the following 'Ambassadorof the King National Library at Viennaaó.In the summerof 1595. Arabicó0: accordingto the b;" whom Erpeniusmay have meant Habsburg forces attacked the fortress town of Gran. of Morocco' the library, consiseventuallyforcingits capitulationin August and taking his assistant.Ahmad ibn Qásim full possessionat the beginning of Septembera-. ting of seventhousandeight hundredbooks, had been 'treacherouslyabstracted'by a Numidian called NearAccording to a French pamphlet celebratingthe victory of 4 Augusta8, the booty consistedof 3,200 cha. Could it be that the Spanishpirateswere acting on camels.4,000 horses,37 piecesof artillery, 27 ensigns, inside information and that their interception of the 'avecq force bagageet butin de toute sslfs' - inclu- boat was calculated?If so, this act of piracy would ding. as we learn from the inscriptions they contain, representthe only occasion,in the period that concerns us, on which the acquisitionof Arabic manuscriptswas severalmanuscriptsnow in Vienna. Two officers fighting aÍ Gran each presented the objective rather than the fortuitous outcome of a Quran to Job Hartmann Baron Enenkelius: one European aggression. The period closeswith another documentedact of is from Wolfacacius Baron of Althannae. the other from Bernard Leonis Gallusso. A soldier also sold pirac.v which brought several Arabic and Turkish him a section of the Quran (the nineteenthjrr--')s'. manuscriptsinto Europe.This time. the books, now in Job Hartmann von Enenkel of Aibrechtsberg and the Vatican library. were seizedoff Malta in 1620and Hohenegg (1576-1621)s'zwas an Austrian Baron handed on by the Inquisitor of Malta. Leonetto della whose passion for genealogyand books drove him to Corbora, to Pope Paul V in Romeó1.Apart from some create a library unparalleled by those of his peers, Turkish manuscriptsó2and sectionsof the Quranó3, and which, by 1624, contained some 8,000 volumes. the booty comprised a collection of prayers with the Hartmann had studiedat Jena from 1592to 1594;and celebratedpoem on the prophet, al-Busrrr'sBurda6a; from 1596to 1600he was to undertakean Italian tour, another collection of prayersós; a copy of a wellvisiting the universitiesof Padua, Bologna, and Siena. known manual on logic. al-Kátibi's Shamsi,vyawith a But his whereaboutsin the years I 594to 1596,between commentary by Qutb al-Dïn al-Tahtànróó;and a colthese periods of study, were not altogether clears3. lection of religious and magical writings with another From the inscriptions to be found in some other copy of Íhe Burda, and an account of a vision of the Arabic manuscriptsacquired at Gran, it now appears prophets and of the first two orthodox Caliphs that that the nineteen-year-oldbibliophile baron had also occurredto the Algerian Abd al-Rahmán ibn Makhllf taken arms against the Turks, as his father had done al-Tha'álibI67. before him 5a.If not in the thick of the battle, he was Theseexampleswe have cited of Arabic manuscripts close enough behind the leading troops at Gran to that were acquired as booty and spoils during the 'rescue', as he put it, some other books from destruc- sixteenth and early seventeenthcenturies provide a tion. He therefore acquired another section of the catalogueof conflicts,both major and minor, between Quran (the sixteenth .jut')tt, two Arabic prayer- Christian and Muslim forces during this period. But bookssó, and a lexicon containing some 700 difficult what importance can be attachedto thesemanuscripts Arabic and Persianepistolaryterms,glossedin Turkish for RenaissanceArabic studies? - the kitab-i Mushkilat-i Insha' by an anonymous Interest in accommodating the Arabic manuscript authors?. collection of Mawláy Zaydán must to some extent Doubtless the single most dramatic episodein this have been stimulated bv the memorv of Benito Arias

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Montano (d. 1598).As librarianof the Escoriallibrary the lead books. But there is no evidenceto show that he had calledfor the study of Arabic6s;and at the end he took up the invitation. Later, in 1627, Sebastian of his life he had marvelledat the typographicalquality Tengnagelin Vienna receiveda copy of some of the of some proof pagesfrom the Medicean Arabic publi- text made by the Jesuit orientalist, Pierre Lanssel cations from Rome. scarcelybelieving they had been (1519-1632),who spent some time as professor of ?Ó. printed from movable type6q.But sincehis death, and Hebrew in Madrid, on the invitation of Philip IV In the Escorial,the library of Mawláy Zaydan was a before the disastrousfire of l67l when over half the prize that few could enjoy for its contents, especially Arabic manuscripts in the library were lost, no notable Spanishscholarsemergewho would have beencapable sincethe final expulsionof the Moriscos from Spain on of exploiting such sources.The relative immaturity of the edict of Philip III in 1609.As with the interpretaArabic studiesin Spain at this time is well illustrated tion of the lead books, the necessaryexpertisecame by the story of the lead books of Granada and the from abroad. A Scottish Arabist, David Coville. searchfor competentinterpretersof their Arabic texts. worked on the collection from 1617 for a decade, It was in the spring and summer of 1595 that taught Arabic, and may have produced a catalogueof eighteenbooks made out of lead plates, inscribed on the Arabic manuscripts.now lost'?: and on the orders both sidesin an archaic-lookingArabic script (known of Philip IV, the Franciscan Arabist Dominicus Geras the charactersof Solomon) were dug up by a team manus of Silesia(d. 1670)spent the last eighteenyears of excavators working under the supervision of the of his life there,teachingArabic. working on a translaArchbishop of Granada. Don Pedro de Castro?O. tion of the Quran into Latin, and researchingother These extraordinar-vlead books were purported to projects relating to Arabic and Islam78. In Rome the manuscripts acquired from Malta in contain writings by two brothers.the Arabs St Tesiphon and St Cecilio.who had knoun Christ and the 1620 could be of little consequencefor the developof the Virgin and were disciples of St James, The,v r.vere ment of Arabic studies.With the establishment enthusiasticall-v accepted b1 the Archbishop and Propaganda Fide societ.v.and the removal of the people of Granada as the genuine accountsof nro Medicean oriental manuscriptsto Florence. Arabic martyrs from the Jacobitemission to Spain. Benito printing in Rome becamerestrictedto ChristianArabic Arias Montano, however. was among those u'ho terts and languageprimers:and any interestin Muslim doubted the authenticity of these lead books (as was devotionaltexts.suchas thoseÍiom Malta. would have Rome), and he pleadediil-health to avoid involvement been negligible. In northern Europe, on the other hand, a text such in the debate. More such books were discoveredduring the fol- as the commentary on the Hidava acquiredat Lepanto lowing ten years; and what emerges,and what proved stimulated interest on the part of Erpenius in the so difficult for the Granadansto accept,was that these comparativestudy of easternand westernlaw; and this had been very cleverly fabricated by two beleaguered manuscriptcould have been one of thosehe referredto Moriscos. Miguel de Luna and Alonso del Castillo. when he told studentsof the many legalistshe had seen Both men sharedthe necessarl' skills to producerelics cited in one or two booksre. Moreover, although the believed might attract a more tolerant atti- volume of Bukhárï's $afttfifrom Tunis was not among that they tude towards their community. De Luna was the au- the manuscripts Erpenius borrowed from Heidelberg thor of a sympatheticaccount of the Muslim conquest in 1612. it was during his meetingsand discussions of Spain, which he ciaimed to have translatedfrom an with Ahmad ibn Qásim a year earlier that Erpenius eighth-centurysourcein the Escoriall l ; Castillor2 had realised the importance of being conversant with a made a list of inscriptions in the Alhambra Palaceat wide range of Islamic theologicalliterature, including Granada and a catalogueof Arabic manuscriptsin the Quranic commentaries and Íhe Sunna\o. Tengnagel Escorial. Moreover. as the official Arabic interpreters consideredit worthwhile to borrow a volume of the of Granada, they were well placed to carry through Sahth from Munich and to have it copied by one of his 81. Turkish prisoner-scribes their plans. But Philip III commissioneda committee to advise One plunderedbook that was put to scholarlyuse in him on how the question of the lead books should be print was the set of Turkish genealogicaltables taken handledI and in 1609it recommendeda searchabroad from Fiilek by Vitus Marchtaler in 1593.Over thirty for competenttranslators.A seriouseffort was made to years later, Wilhelm Schickard, the astronomer and find them. and at least two Arabists had been induced orientalist at Tiibingen, incorporated the first six to visit Granada, one of whom, from the Vatican, was dynasties(of the seventeenit traces)into his historical promptly dismissedwhen he was heard to say he was publication, the Taricft, issued at Ti.ibingen in 1628. wasting his time on forgeries?3.Two of the most Ultimately, however, the scholarly value of such a distinguished Arabists of the age, Giovan Battista mythical text for a historical work is negligible;and it Raimondi in RomeTa and Thomas Eroenius in Lei- cannot be claimed that Schickard advancedEuropean den ?s,receivedsamplesof the text from Spain,in 1609 knowledgeof easternhistory by using this source82. As it happens, the single most likely book to be and l6l9 respectively.Indeed, Erpenius was invited to Granada by Archbishop Castro to carry out a study of found among manuscripts acquired in combat, the

R. JONES: ARABIC MANUSC]RIPTS IN RENAISSANCE EUROPE

Quran, was greatly coveted by pioneering Arabists. Not only did they look forward to producing translations and commentariesof the Quran that would be better informed and more accuratethan the refutations and derivativeversionsof those who knew no Arabic. They also venerated its fully vocalised text as an i n v a l u a b l el a n g u a g ep r i m e r . The medievalLatin versioncommissionedat Toledo by Peter the Venerableof Cluny in 1143and published by Theodor Bibliander at Basel exactly four hundred yearslater in 1543provided the sourcefor a number of published versionsin vernacular European languages in the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies83.These were challengedby a few editions and translationsby Arabists of short srTrasand. in the mid-seventeenth century. by a French version of the entire text by the French ambassador to Alexandria. André du Ryer. But real progressin understandingthe meaning of the Quran and creating an effectiverefutation could only be made on the basis of the entire Arabic text. Rumours that an Arabic Quran was printed at Venice early in the sixteenthcentury havejust beensubstantiated by the sensationaldiscovery of one extant copy. But this edition must have had a very restrictedEuropean circulation and may only have been used,among the orientalists. by Teseo Ambrogio and Guillaume Postel8a.Until the editionsof Hinckelmann8sand of century'. Marraccisóat the ven' end of the seventeenth most Arabistswishingto read the Quran in Arabic had the difficult task of finding handuritten copies. Complete manuscript Qurans \\.ererare. From Breslauin January 1608.Peter Kirsten told Tengnagelof the manuscriptcopiesof the Quran that a very elegantone belonging were known to himsr librarys8, to Scaliger;the preciousone in Tengnagels's which he wanted to borrow; and four examples in Breslau (two of his own. one in a public library, and one belonging to a friend). An undated manuscript Quran, now preserved,like Christmann'sQuran, in the BodleianLibrary. contains an unequivocal ownership inscription by Thomas Erpenius, stating that he had been given the manuscript by IsaacCasaubonin 16108s.That was the year Erpenius spent ostensiblystudying theology under Du PlessisMornay at the Huguenot collegein Saumur.but in reality devoting his time to learning Arabic. writing the first draft of his famous grammar book. and reading the Quran - this Quran, which was at first lent to him by Casaubon and then given to him in early August 1610.In April, Erpeniushad written to Casaubon saying that he had not yet set about a seriousreading of the Quran. but that he was dipping into it and recording paradigms with page and line references,rather than by chapter and by verse, because the length of some siiras and the uncertain systemof avat (red dots in this copy) did not make for easyretrieval of wordse0.Keeping information in this

r05

way meant that it was essentialfor him to acquire his own copy, even to make his own copy despite the shortageof time. But by the beginning of July, Erpenius had not had time to copy out the Quran; and because he had no copy of his own, he was only recording words with reference to the sura numbers. He asked Casaubon again to buy him a Quran, and this time even suggestedhe sell him this copyql. Thus, when Casaubon yielded to Erpenius's entreatiesand. what is more, simply give him the Quran, he could not have been more pleasede2. Two indiceswritten by Erpeniusinto the manuscript give page referencesfor sura headingsand page and line referencesfor the mystic letterswhich he sought to interpret on several occasions.His precise linguistic interestin the Quran is displayedin this copy by his marginal notes"which refer to variants in a copy then kept in the King's library in Parise3.Moreover, an incipient interestin the chronology of the revelationof the sÍras is to be seenin the margin to SrTra96. where Erpenius quotes a certain AbD Ja'far (possibly alTabari) and the claim that this was the first (revealed) sura. He also copied out the Arabic imprecation which he had seenin gold lettering and gold roundeis at the beginning of Scaliger's copy - possibly the same elegantQuran referred to by Kirstenea. Furthermore. Erpenius'sright to his Quran is confirmed in another note written b1'EtienneHubertqs.whoseown maghribr copl is nou in Gdanskqó.Finall),'.u'e should mention a manuscriptQuran rrritten in a Europeanhand, now in Marburg. which uas copiedas an exercisein writing Arabic b1' a pupil of Golius. Jacob Vogeley, using Erpenius'sQuran and one other as the basise?. It is likel-vthat severalof the Qurans just mentioned were bought by scholars after they had been plundered. Of the documented examples of plundered Qurans cited above, we know that Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter could have employed his copy from Tunis (with other copieshe owned) for the Latin translationwhich he preparedqs;andit is evidentthat Jacob Christmann carefully read the copy he acquired from Hungary, annotating it in a way which revealsa primarily theological rather than linguistic interest in the text. Like Erpenius.he too included an index to the suras, adding the observation that there were ll4 chapters in the Arabic text as opposed to 124 in the Latin version (the Bibliander edition). The Qurans and sectionsacquired by Job Hartmann, on the other hand, were probably not put to scholarly use.Although he was acquaintedwith SebastianTengnageleeand with Hieronymus Megiser,who published the first substantialEuropean grammar of Turkish in 1612,Hartmann does not appear to have known any Arabic or Turkish; and thesebooks could have representedlittle more than hard won curiositiesin a bibliophile's library.

M A N U S C R I P T SO F T H E M I D D L E E A S T 2 ( 1 9 8 7 )

r06 NOTES

shouldbe NicolasClenardus,and that Arabic manuscripts availablein Cordoba.

On the poor state of Arabic studiesat Salamancaduring 'L'Arabe à SalamanClenardus'visit,see:Marcel Bataillon, This article has evolved out of a draft chapter from my in Hespéris,xxi. 1935'2-3. que au temps de la Renaissance', doctorate. which I am currently submitting to London University's School of Oriental and African Studiesunder p p . l - 1 7 . s Rodinson, op. cit., pp.34-37 (5. The birth of Orientathe title of Learning Arabic in RenaissanceEttrLtpe.I am l i s m ). particularly grateful to the organisersof the 9th uErcolt ó Thomas Erpenius, Orationes tres de Linguarun't Internationalconference,held in Tunisia in April 1987.who atque Arabicae Dignítare, Leiden, the author's Ebraeae, this allowed me to read out that chapter; to the editor of p.94. For an English version of the lecture,see: press, I 621, what publish journal, Dr. Jan Just Witkam, for offering to 'Thomas Erpenius (1584-1624)on the Value of the Arabic phototwo he had heard in Tunisia and for arranging the Language', translated from the Latin by Robert Jones. in graphs from Hollandl and to ProfessorAlastair Hamilton, Manuscriptso.f the Middle East. 1. 1986.pp. l5-25' the of Some my findings. of for his challengingdiscussion I I do not intend to supply a bibliography of secondary Leverhulme by a was supported here research displayed Arabists here.Seethe studiescited Trust study abroad studentship;time for writing has been literatureon Renaissance Arahist allowed thanks to my presentemployers.Bernard Quaritch by Alastair Hamilton in his l4/illiam Beàrell the in cited references Ltd. I am grateful to all those librarians who let me consult 1563-1632.Leiden 1985; and the lists of (a sales cata1983 their collectionsduring the course of this study; and espe- Philolosia Orientalís.Leiden 1976 and Smitskamp for E'J. Brill). cially to the librarians in Groningen University. Leiden logue preparedby Mr. Rr.lk ' T h e R e n a i s s a n cH 8 e u m a n i s t sa n d Karl H. Dannenfeld. University, and the Bodleian Library. Oxford. who have the Renaissuncein in Sturlies Arabic' of suppliedand authorisedthe publication of the photographs the knoirledge p . n o t e 1 5 . 1 0 0 . I I . 1955. that appear in this article. e l h i d . .p . 1 0 1 . t0 Giorgio Levi della Vida. Ricert'he'sullaForma:ionetlel ABBREVIATIONS pià antit'o .f'ontlo dei Monost'ritti orientalí della Bíbliotet'u Archivio dr Stato. Florence. ASF Città del Vaticano. 1939 (Studi e Testi, 92). pp. Vatícana. Bodleian Library, Oxford. BLo * .q.CKNOwLEDGEMENTS

3 2 - 3 3 .8 3 - 8 5 . 11 Marie-Théresed'Alverney. 'Avicenne et les Médecins de Venise' in Medioevo e Rina'scimento, 1955, (Stucli itt Onore di Bruno l{ardi). P. 185. r 2 B a t a i l l o n .o p . t ' i t . .p u s s i n r . 13 Seethe essaysand notes by Gérald Duverdier. in the exhibition catalogueLe Lit're et le Liban ed. Camille AboussouanP . a r i s . 1 9 8 2 .p a . s . s l n l . NOTES 1 a E r p e n i u so. p . t ' i t . .p . 7 4 : J o n e s o . p.cit'.p.22' r s A S F .S t a t r t p e r í uO r i e n t u l e .F i l z a 3 . f o 1 s .1 ' - 5 ' : ' V i a g i o I On the medieval transmissionof knorvledgefollowing per terra de lindia (.iit') orientale à Venetia'. describing a Christian reconquest.seefor example:Norman Daniel. Ilrc journey pp. 1975. lrom Hormuz. overland through lran, to Aleppo. Arqbs and Medíeval ELtrope,London and Beirut. on thenceto Venicevia Corfu, undertakenbetween Islam Tripoli, and 263-264; W. Montgomery Watt, The Inftuence oí' December 1575.Both sourcesfor Raimondi's Rodinand p.60; Maxime February Medieval Europe, Edinburgh, 1972, 'The Western Image and Western Studiesof Islam' in journey to the east are referred to by G.E. Saltini in his son. 'Della Stamperia Orientale Medicea e di Giovan Battista The Legac.v of Islam, ed. Joseph Schacht and C.E' in Giornqle SÍorico deglí Archivi Toscani, 1860, Raimondi', 1 5 . B o s w o r t h ,O x f o r d , 1 9 7 4 ,P . 2 Denys Forrest. Tiger of M1'sore' The Life and death of 4 , p . 2 6 5 . 1ó ASF,StamperiaOrientale,Filza 2. doc. XXV: a diary Tipu Sultan, London, 1970,pp. 301-302.CharlesStewart,,4 descríptive Catalogue o.f the Oriental Lihrar.v of the late kept by G.B. Raimondi of events in Rome between 1590 and 16 10,and giving detailsof the movementsof his agents. Tippoo Sultan o.f M1'sore... Cambridge, 1809. r? Franz Unterkircher, 'Sebastian Tengnagel', chapter 3 Pedro de Alcalá, Arte para legeramentesaber la lingua araviga. Vocabulista aravigo en leíra castellana, Granada. two in Die Gesc'hit'htecler Ósterreichischen NationalbíI 505.Seethe standardbibliography of pre-nineteenth-centu- btiothek, ed. Joseph Stummvoll, Vienna. 1968' (Museion, ry Arabic publications: Christian Friedrich von Schnurrer. Neue Folge, Reihe 2, Bd. 3, pp. 129-145). óNs, Cod. 8997, fols. 52'-53': Tengnagel'slists of Arabic Bibliotheca Arabica. Halle, l8l 1 (reprinted Amsterdam. and Turkish books he required Albanus to find in Istanbul 1 9 6 8 )p, p . l 6 - 1 9 ,n o . 3 7 . a An example of the contemporary expectations that i n 1 6 1 3a n d 1 6 1 7 . I am grateful to Dr. M.E.H.N. Mout for drawing my Spain could provide Arabic texts may be found at ASF, SÍamperiaOríentale,Filza 5, fols. 158. 169,202,208,214- attention to the Tengnagelcorrespondencein Vienna. ls Letters from d'Asquier to Tengnagel now in ÓNe, 215: the letters from Fabritio Caputi in Madrid to G.B. 1592. In these C o d . 9 7 3 7 s ,f o l . 3 1 3 , d a t e d O f e n 2 6 S e p t e m b e r1 6 2 4 ; C o d . Raimondi in Rome, dated January to April published a 9 7 3 1 t , f o l . 2 2 , d a t e d K o m o r n 4 A p r i l 1 6 2 5 ;f o l s . 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 . letters, Caputi reported that he had been offered he (i.e. that Alcalá's), Arabic grammar and wordlist of [Istanbul, 1627]; fols. 169-170,dated Prague 9 February L.red to acquire a srammar and dictionary written by 1628. Letters from Joseph Barbatus in Istanbul to Teng-

BNF BNp BSB BV óNs uBL

BibliotecaNazionale, Florence. BibliothequeNationale,Paris. BayerischeStaatsbibliothek,Munich. B i b l i o t e c aV a t i c a n a . ÓsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,Vienna. U n i v e r s i t e i t s b i b l i o t h e eLke. i d e n .

R . J O N E S :A R A B I C M A N U S C R ] P T SI N R E N A I S S A N C EE U R O P E

nagel in óNs, Cod. 9737t, fols. l-2, dated 3 January 1625; fol. 152, dared29 luly 1627. lq BNp. MS Arabe 4338 (Duval's manuscript ArabicLatin dictionary compiled at Venice in 1610).See the pre'Et licet illa in civitate face, dated Paris 1613,p. 1001: Neptunia [Venice]multi istius linguae [Arabic] periti passim reperiantur. pauci tamen illam legere, aut ad normam congrui usus dictiones suas revocare,legitima observatione dignoscunt.' This manuscriptenteredin Le livre et le Liban, p. 204, no. 75, with a note by Gérald Duverdier. 2 0 L e v i d e l l aV i d a , o p . c i t . , p p . 2 9 0 - 3 1 8 . 21 M.Th. Houtsma (ed.), Uit de OosterscheCorrespondentie van Th. Erpenius,Jac. Golíus en Lev. Warner, Amsterd a m , 1 8 8 7 .l e t t e r V I , p p . 2 8 - 2 9 . 22 For a selectionof Renaissanceeditions of Rhazesand Avicenna in Latin. see: Rafaela GonzalezCastrillo' Rha:es y Avicena en la biblioteca de la I'aculdad de Medicina de la LlniversidadComplutense... Madrid, 1984. 23 Encl'clopaediaof Islaim,V, Leiden, 1983.pp.723-724. 2 a E r p e n i u so , p . c i t . .p p . 1 8 , p . c i t . ,p p . 5 2 , 5 9 , 6 0 ; J o n e s o 19. On Erpenius and Leo Africanus, see: W.M.C. Juynboll, Zeventiende-eeutrscheBeoefenaars van het Arabisch in l,lederland,Utrecht. 1931,pp. 16-77. On the search for manuscript copies of works by lbn Khaldun. Mas'[di. Ibn al-Raqiq. and Harirr (all of whom are mentioned by Leo Africanus). seethe letters of Ahmad i b n Q á s i m t o G o l i u s i n H o u t s r n a . o p . t ' i t . . l e t t e r sV . V I . pp.24-33. 2s Giorgio Levi della Yida, Dot'turrcntiírttornoalle Reluzioní delle Chíese Orientali con la S. Sede durante il Ponti.ficato dí Gregorio XIII. Città del Vaticano. 1948 (Studi e Testi, 143). 2ó Daniel von Nessel, Catalogus sive Recensio Specialis omnium Codicum Monuscriptorum Graecorum, nec non Linguarum Orientalium, Augustissimae Bibliothecae Caesareae ... Vienna and Niirnberg, 1690,Pars VII, no. Vindobonensis 273. recordsthe following inscription: 'Als m a n z a h l t 1 5 2 9 .J a h r DiB Buechlin erobert war Zu Wien vor der grossenStatt Als der Tuerk die belegerthatt In de8 Tuerken Veldlaegerdau8 [sic] In einem oeden verprentenHau8 Darin Tuerken gelegensind Nach dem sie wieder abzogensind Durch ein Landsknechtzart Mir Johan Traberger verkaufft wart Als ich in der Statt Wienn gelegen Und sambt andern hab helffen verwaren.' 2? óNB,A.F . 527, an Arabic prayer book. Gustav Fliigel, Die Arabischen,Persischen,und TiirkischenHandschriftenzu Wien, III, Vienna, 1867, p. 156, no. 1719, records the following inscription from fol. l': 'Dises Bichel ist in der BelagerungWienn von P. Willibalt von Steyr bekummen worden Anno 1683 in den Monat September.' óNg, Mxt. 205,an Arabic prayer book. Fligel, III, p. 153, no. 1714, records the following inscription from inside the top cover: 'BettbiichleinSo im Monat Septemb.A' 1683bey der den

t07

12 dito beschehnenentsetzungder Statt Wienn, in dem verlassnenTrirkhischen Lager ist gefunden worden'' 28 SeeP. Alberto Guglielmotti, Storiu della Marína Pontificia, Roma, 1886. III, (2), pp. 406-409; and Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichtedes OsmanischenReiches,III' P e s t , 1 8 2 8 ,p . 1 7 4 . 2q Groningen University Library, MS 468, fols. 1-53, a European copy of an extract from a Quran in a large maghribï hand. H. Brugmans, Catalogus Codícum Manu Scriptorum LJniversitatis Groninganae Bibliothecae, Gro' ningen, 1898, p. 252. The inscription on the t'erso of the endpaperopposite lol. I reads: 'DiBes Buch hab Ich JohannesMarquart von Kung 1 i beck Freyherr etc. als der allerdurch 1 leuchtigestFiirst und Herr Carolus i der V. Rómischer KeijBer in Africam ' zoch. und die Haupt Statt des Barbarisch , en Landts, Thunis genant,erobert / und bltnderet gewunnen.und zu einer ge ' dechtnus mit mir heraus gefiihrt. unnd i ist sollichesbeschei hen als man zalt nach / Christi unBers Erlósers Geburt MDXXXV Jahr, auf den abend Mariae 1 Magdalenae. welcher war der 21. Julii.' (Seeplate l). to Bv, MS Arabo 249. Levi della Vida, Ricert'he(1939). pp.296-298. 3 1 ó N s , C o d . 9 7 3 7 s ,f o l . 3 2 3 . 32 BSB,Cod. Arab. l. Joseph Aumer. Die Arabí,st'hen Handschrd'tender k. Ho|- untl Stoat.shihlirtthekín Miinchen. M u n i c h . 1 8 6 6 .p . 1 . 3 3 B N p .M S A r a b e4 3 8 . , 1 - 3 9 . . 1(:i 1. e0.r o l s . 1 . 2 . a n d 6 ) . ' L e s M a n u s c r i t sd u C o r a n d u M a g h r e bà F r a n q o i sD é r o c h e . Áruhes,Manuscrit's l'lnsulinde' in: Cutulttguedes.llunu.scrits . p . 3 7 - 3 8 .r e c o r d st h e f o l l o w i n g ^ \ Í u . s u l n u t n s l..l . P a r i s 1 9 8 5 p inscription Íiom the beginning of vol. 2: 'c'est l'alchoran que Charles le Quint, Empereur des Romains et Roy des Espagnes,aporta de sesexpéditionsde Tunis et Alger et que le cardinal Granvelle avoit tiré de I'Escurial pour le mettre en sa bibliothèque.' to BV, Ar.214,219. Levi dellaVida. op. cit.. p' 190. Levi dellaVida. /oc'. " Bv, Ar. 209.222.225,230.232. ctt. 3 ó B V . A r . 2 5 4 , T u r c o 2 1 . L e v i d e l l aV i d a . p . 1 9 1 . 3r Braulio Justel Calabozo, La Real Bihlioteca de el Est'orial v susManust'rito.sArttbe.s.Madrid. 1978. pp. 138I 39. 38 Carl Brockelmann^Geschichteder ArabischenLítíerat n r . I , L e i d e n , 1 9 4 3 2p, . 4 6 8 . 3e uBL, Cod. Or. 222. P. de Jong and M.J. de Goeje, Catalogus Codicum Orientalium Bihliothecae Acqdemiae Lugduno Batavae,IV, Leiden, 1866.p. 120. I am grateful to ProfessorAlastair Hamilton for alerting me to his discovery that, contrary to the traditional view, this manuscript did not belong to Joseph Scaliger but to Franciscus Raphelengius. Alastair Hamilton identifies nine manuscripts that formerly belonged to Raphelengius, and are now preserved in Leiden University Library, in his forthcoming article:'